Student Impacts

A substantial body of research shows that participating in high-quality out-of-school time programs can improve student attendance and engagement with school, boost social and emotional skills, and improve academic performance, which in turn increases the likelihood of high school graduation (e.g., Akiva et al., 2013; Durlak et al., 2010; Kidron & Lindsay, 2014; McCombs et al., 2017; Naftzger et al., 2014; Pierce et al., 2010; Vandell, 2013).

Out-of-school time program staff support student academic success in various ways, many of which we observed through the evaluation:

• Helping students stay organized, set goals, manage their time, complete homework assignments and celebrate their progress.

• Building skills related to academic success, like critical thinking, problem-solving and inquiry.

• Building skills and knowledge in specific subject areas like math and science.

• Reinforcing in-school learning through project-based, outdoor or other types of opportunities that are rarely available during the school day.

• Expanding students’ interests and motivation by exposing them to new places, people and opportunities through field trips, leadership opportunities and service learning.

For example, the WREN Friday Science program of Wallowa Resources, a partner of Building Healthy Families, provides hands-on, experiential education about the natural and cultural resources and history of Wallowa County in Eastern Oregon. Participating students spend the bulk of their program time in outdoor activities like studying stream habitats and learning about the geology of the Wallowa Mountains. In one Friday science session, students worked with a forester to measure trees and find one that would provide enough wood for their family for the year. Students were highly engaged—asking questions, making calculations and getting excited about finding “their” tree. Staff remarked that “students were doing math that you couldn’t get them to do in class. And they don’t even see it as math. They see it as a real-world problem.”

In another program, instructors create a plan with students to raise their grade by one letter grade in one core class: “We try to make it specific, so it feels attainable. By focusing on one class, though, they learn transferrable skills that they can use to succeed in other classes.”

We gathered evidence of the positive impacts of these efforts through student surveys, student photovoice projects, parent and caregiver focus groups, and analysis of education data.

Attendance & Engagement

Parents and caregivers indicate that the individualized academic support and different learning pathways provided through out-of-school time programs are important educational supports.

Math is hard at home. My son doesn't learn the way math is taught in his school day class and he has (and will have) the same math teacher for the majority of his academic career. To have a teacher teach math to my student in a different way is a miracle.
—Parent/caregiver

Parents and caregivers note that the learning opportunities provided to their students vary from those in school in valuable ways, offering students different pathways to learn and be successful. For many, this includes opportunities to learn about subjects that especially interest them.

They learn more than what they learn in the classroom; they learn through “fun time.” It's a different style of learning. It's hands-on and social. It's nice to have another mode of learning.
—Parent/caregiver

One of the things the after-school program provides for girls—one of the things it provides my daughters—is extended learning options. She gets bored in the classroom. The programs have helped keep her involved.
—Parent/caregiver

Participating students complete homework assignments, improve their grades, build subject-specific academic skills and increase their engagement in school.

Program staff shared many stories of academic student success. For instance, one described a student who was primarily motivated to stay in school through her participation in basketball. Out-of-school time staff encouraged and supported her, making sure she had the gear she needed and cheering her on at games, which effectively kept her in school.

Another program leader tallied hundreds of homework assignments completed during out-of-school time while students had access to teacher help. The program identified several students who’d caught up on their coursework and improved their grade as a result. During program observations, we also witnessed students celebrating their gains with peers and staff. We could see how motivated and supported they were in their efforts to complete homework and meet educational goals, and we heard and saw them express interest in learning in school.

Educational data shows a positive relationship between program participation and school attendance during middle school.

A larger share of participating students regularly attended middle school than that of their peers in most of our analyses, although differences did not always reach statistical significance. Higher rates of regular school attendance did not persist as students moved into high school, where participating students had roughly the same attendance rate as their peers.

We examined school attendance trends over time using statistical models that compared participating students with a matched comparison group of students in three entry cohorts (based on the year they entered participating programs). We defined “regular attendance” as being present for 90% or more of school days.

Our analysis revealed a statistically significant trend in the 2014–2015 cohort, suggesting that participating students were more likely than comparison students to regularly attend school during their middle school years. When we followed students as they left their out-of-school time program and moved on to high school, the difference in attendance diminished. There were similar trends in the 2015–2016 and 2016–2017 cohorts, but the overall models were not statistically significant.

To illustrate these findings, we compared regular attendance rates for Initiative and comparison students within each school year separately. In their first year of programming, the share of participating students regularly attending school was an average of 4.3 points higher than that of comparison students. The table below illustrates these statistically significant differences.

In their follow-up year, when eighth graders had moved on to high school and many students were no longer participating in Initiative-supported programs, these differences mostly diminished for participating students.

Attendance of students in participating programs declined over time.

Percentage of students regularly attending school by cohort, first follow-up year.

This pattern also held in the second follow-up year.

Attendance of students in participating programs declined over time.

Percentage of students regularly attending school by cohort, second follow-up year.

Students of color participating in culturally specific programs attended school more regularly.

Our analyses indicated a particularly strong positive relationship between school attendance and participation in culturally specific programs for students of color. Of the students of color for whom we have both demographic information and educational outcomes data, 37% participated in culturally specific programming. In two of the three entry cohorts, these students attended school more regularly during their first program year than students participating in other programs.

Students in programs focused on social and emotional learning attended school more regularly but were less likely to meet grade-level standards for math and English language arts.

Programs focused on social and emotional learning include those that integrate social and emotional learning curricula or work intensively on one or more aspects of social and emotional learning (e.g., growth mindset and cultural identity). Students who participated in these programs were more likely to attend school regularly during their first program year than students participating in other types of programs. This pattern held for all three entry cohorts but was statistically significant in only two.

Students in programs focused on social & emotional learning (SEL) attended school more regularly than those in other programs.

Percentage of students regularly attending school by cohort, first program year.

In terms of math and English language arts, a smaller proportion of students participating in programs focused on social and emotional learning met grade-level standards compared to students participating in other types of programs. In two entry cohorts (2014–2015 and 2015–2016), the proportion of students participating in social and emotional learning focused programs was 6 to 7 percentage points lower in math and 10 percentage points lower in English language arts than those of students participating in other types of programs.

Students in academically intensive programs are more likely to be successful on several standardized educational measures.

Students who participated in academically intensive programs (i.e., those with more intensive subject enrichment or connections to in-school learning) were more likely to be successful in terms of educational outcomes than students participating in other types of programs. The pattern for meeting benchmarks in math and English language arts was consistent for all three entry cohorts during their first program year.

Students in academically intensive programs are more likely to meet math benchmarks than are those in other programs.

Percentage of students meeting grade-level math benchmark by cohort, first program year.

Students in academically intensive programs are more likely to meet English language arts benchmarks than are those in other programs.

Percentage of students meeting grade-level English language arts benchmark by cohort, first program year. 

Further review of the data revealed similar average point differences in subsequent years for math and reading. Knowing that students participating in academically intensive programming tend to have better educational outcomes during their first program year (as described above), we conducted post hoc pairwise comparisons of students based on whether they participated in academically intensive programs. For example, the proportion of students meeting grade-level benchmarks in English language arts was 13 to 20 percentage points higher for students in academically intensive programs in follow-up years (specifics varied between cohorts).

For two entry cohorts, students participating in academically intensive programs were also more likely to regularly attend school and avoid discipline referrals during their first program year than were students participating in other types of programs.

Students in academically intensive programs in two cohorts are more likely to regularly attend school.

Percentage of students regularly attending school by cohort, first program year.

Students in academically intensive programs in two cohorts are less likely to experience discipline referrals.

Percentage of students with at least one discipline referral, first program year. 

A larger share of students in academically intensive programs were also on track for graduation (i.e., they attained the appropriate number of credits) as ninth graders compared to students participating in other types of programs. 

These findings are likely influenced by other factors, such as the type of students who are attracted to particular programs including students who are already meeting grade-level standards. For example, a larger share of boys, white students, and students who were not eligible for free or reduced-price meals participated in academically intensive programming than participated in other types of programs. In addition, a few programs serving especially disadvantaged students—those falling far behind on standardized academic measures—are particularly well represented in 2016–2017, which probably contributes to the large difference seen in that cohort’s data. Our analysis does not allow us to rule out factors like these as potential causes of these outcomes.

Discipline

Students in the 2016–2017 cohort were less likely to have discipline referrals (i.e., any type of suspension or expulsion) than their peers.

Findings from the longitudinal statistical models suggest that discipline referral trends differed significantly for Initiative and comparison students in the 2016–2017 entry cohort. Specifically, an increasingly smaller share of participating students had at least one discipline referral. To illustrate this finding, we conducted post hoc pairwise comparisons of Initiative and comparison students in each school year.

Students in the 2016–2017 cohort were less likely to have discipline referrals.

Discipline referral rates for students in 2016–2017 cohort, by school year.

This pattern was not evident for students in the 2014–15 and 2015–16 entry cohorts. Although this finding suggests out-of-school time program impact on discipline referrals, the fact that this was only true for one cohort of students signals that there might be alternative explanations relating to school practices (e.g., recording of discipline referrals in administrative data or use of Positive Behavioral Interventions and Supports), out-of-school time program characteristics, or other unmeasured variables. Using discipline referrals as an outcome to evaluate out-of-school time program impact is complicated by the fact that these programs cannot influence school discipline policy or events that occur during the school day. 

Academic motivation & future orientation

Students expressed a motivation to engage in school and a strong sense of future orientation through photovoice.

Students from eight participating programs completed photovoice projects, using photography and written narrative to explore, illustrate and describe how they see themselves and how others view them in school, in out-of-school time programming and in their communities. Photovoice projects were not part of out-of-school time programming itself, but a tool used to help us (and program staff) understand more about how students are feeling and thinking about themselves in relation to the program and the world around them.

Resulting photovoice projects showcased students' strengths and capacity to achieve, including their intelligence, commitment to school and dreams of college or specific careers. As students learn more about what they enjoy and where they excel, there may be a mismatch between how they perceive themselves and how others (particularly in school or their broader community) perceive them. In some cases, the descriptions of themselves as smart or committed conflicted with messages they had heard from others or stereotypes about their cultural background. At the same time, students chose words of support and encouragement to emphasize the importance of self-perception and described what they saw as internal strengths, which often related to school.

For example, one student wrote:

In [my] school, people see me as the quiet one of the class, and the one that doesn’t care about others or my education/grades. In school I see myself as a person who pays attention in class, cares about my education because I want to be someone who has a good career for a better future. In the [X] program, the [other students] see me as a person who talks a lot, is funny, smart, responsible and makes jokes. That’s true and it's thanks to the [X] program that I am what the [other students] describe me as. Since I first joined the program (3rd grade) I have lost my shyness, gained confidence in myself. This program has motivated me to continue with my education and go on to college because education pays off. They have also taught me to be a good leader.
—Student narrative from photovoice project

A majority of students surveyed indicate that out-of-school time programs have a positive impact on academic engagement and behaviors.

Through surveys conducted from 2015 to 2017, more than 1,300 students reported high levels of agreement with statements relating to academic engagement, behaviors and habits. The surveys focused on social and emotional learning, and included questions adapted from Youth Development Executives of King County’s Youth Engagement, Motivation and Beliefs Survey. Questions were grouped together to form scales, one of which related to how programs influenced and supported the academic behavior of students.

Most participating students agree that their programs help them:

We explored survey results in a variety of ways to better understand the connection between students’ responses, identities and program participation. Our more detailed survey analyses reveal particularly strong positive associations between how programs support students academically (via the Academic Behavior scale) and particular groups of students and types of programs. The next couple of findings are highlights from that analysis but are not exhaustive. It’s important to note that some of these patterns could be related to student or program characteristics that we aren’t able to account for, including what types of students are drawn to particular types of programming. 

Students in social and emotional learning-focused programs reported greater academic support while those in academically intensive programs did not.

Students in programs focused on social and emotional learning (n=876), such as those that integrate social and emotional learning curricula or work intensively on one or more aspects of social and emotional learning (e.g., growth mindset or cultural identity), also indicated that their programs positively supported their academic habits and meaningful connections to school through the student survey. The average Academic Behavior scale score for students in these programs, when aggregated, is significantly higher than for other types of programs. The Academic Behavior scale comprises five questions, each of which uses a four-point scale where 1 is not at all true and 4 is completely true.

The average Academic Behavior scale score for students in programs focused on social and emotional learning was 3.14, compared to 2.99 for students in other types of programs (2-sided t-test significant at p=.001). This pattern is seen for individual questions (or scale items) as well. For example, 75% of students in programs with a social and emotional emphasis agreed that their programs helped them complete their schoolwork compared to 68% of programs without this emphasis (chi-squared 2-sided test, p <.001).

Somewhat counterintuitively, however, students in academically intensive programs (n = 339)—such as those with more intensive subject enrichment or connections to in-school learning—had significantly lower Academic Behavior scale scores (3.01 vs. 3.11, 2-sided t-test, p =.04). In other words, students in these programs had less agreement that their programs contribute to their academic habits or connections to school compared to students in other types of programs.

Students of color, particularly Latino/x students, are more likely than their white peers to agree that they benefit academically from out-of-school time.

Survey results for students of color (n=933) indicate strong agreement that their out-of-school time programs contributed positively to their Academic Behavior, more so than survey results for white students (n=412). Both the program Academic Behavior scale average and each question within the scale are significantly higher for students of color than for white students (scale averages 3.15 vs. 2.92, 2-sided t-test, p<.001). For example, a higher proportion of students of color (78%) agreed that “this program is helping me become more interested in what I am learning in school” than of white students (63%; chi-squared 2-sided test, p<.001).

Latino/x students (n=638) showed the highest agreement that their out-of-school time program supports their academic habits and connections to school, both compared to other students of color overall (n=260, scale averages 3.21 vs. 3.02, 2-tailed t–test, p<.001) and to white students (n=398, scale averages 3.21 vs. 2.92, 2-tailed t-test, p<.001). For example, more Latino/x students agreed that their program “is helping me connect my schoolwork to my future goals” compared to non-Latino/x students of color (82% vs. 76%; chi-squared 2-sided test, p=.02).

Black/African American, Asian and Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander students also expressed more agreement that their programs support them academically than did white students, but the differences were not statistically significant.

*Statistically significant difference compared to other students of color overall (2-tailed t–test, p<.001) and white students (2-tailed t-test, p<.001).

Students of color who participated in culturally specific programming are in even greater agreement that their out-of-school time program benefited them academically.

Among students of color for whom we have survey data, about 40% participated in culturally specific programming. When we look at this group of students, their survey responses indicate even greater agreement that their programs support academic behaviors compared to students of color not in culturally specific programs (scale averages of 3.22 vs. 3.11, n=389 vs. 544, two-sided t-test, p=.03). For example, students in culturally specific programs expressed significantly more agreement that “this program helped me do better in school” (82% vs. 76%, n=389 vs. 544, chi-squared 2-sided test, p=0.027).

The significant results for culturally specific programs are largely related to higher agreement among Latino/x students. Without Latino/x students, the differences between culturally specific programs and other types of programming are not significant for students of color.

Parents and caregivers also indicated that programs help students academically.

During focus groups, parents and caregivers described how out-of-school time programs help students build motivation to get better grades, develop greater belief in their ability to succeed in school, and increase their desire and preparation to attend college.

[The program] implements a system which pushes the child to not drop their grades. Periodically they will review their grades. It becomes a stimulus to motivate them. They understand that it is motivation.
—Parent/caregiver

Apart from supporting her academically and emotionally, [the program] gives her tools to be a child leader, and they are planting the idea that [the students] can better themselves, study and go to college as their first priority.
—Parent/caregiver

High School Completion 

Students in participating out-of-school time programs completed high school at a higher rate than did similar students.

Analysis of education data revealed that eighth graders in the 2014–2015 Initiative program entry cohort (n=299) had a higher five-year graduation/high school completion rate (by almost 7 percentage points) and lower dropout rate (by over 5 percentage points) than eighth graders in this cohort’s comparison group (n=336). These differences are statistically significant (graduation/high school completion rates were 84.9% vs. 78.0% and dropout rates were 8.7% vs. 14.3%, respectively; chi-squared=5.15, p=.02). 

While we didn’t anticipate we would see this difference based on our other analyses (e.g., attendance differences did not persist beyond middle school), we suspect a number of factors are at play. There may be differences in the characteristics of students—or their teachers, schools or communities—that were unmeasured and therefore not accounted for in our analyses. Our analysis also includes only a small proportion of the students in our data set who participated in out-of-school time programs, given that many are still in high school. It will be interesting to see if and how high school completion rates continue to shift as more systemic factors are addressed and students of color receive more tailored support (such as through new programs like the African American/Black Student Success Plan).

Adolescents are forging their identities as they encounter new learning opportunities, social interactions and responsibilities that prepare them for adulthood. During this time of increasing independence, relationships with peers and adults outside the home both become more vital. Developmentally, adolescent brains are acutely aware of social status and acceptance (National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, 2019; UNICEF, 2017).

One way that out-of-school time programs support adolescents through these physical, neurological and psychological changes is by facilitating opportunities for youth to interact, build social relationships and become engaged members of their communities.

In terms of adult relationships, SEARCH Institute shows that 70% of youth in out-of-school time settings experience strong developmental relationships with program staff, compared to 40% of youth in school settings. Developmental relationships include environments where adults express care, share power, provide support, help expand students’ possibilities and challenge them to grow. Moreover, youth who had a strong developmental relationship reported higher competence in social and emotional domains (68%) than did those with a moderate or weak developmental relationship (38 and 22%) (SEARCH Institute, 2020, p. 9). A focus on relationships may be one of the most powerful ways to allow for healthy adolescent risk-taking, growth and learning.

RiverStars Performing Arts

Acceptance and belonging are even more critical when adolescents are not part of the dominant cultural group, whether in terms of race/ethnicity, gender identity, sexuality, religion or ability. Emerging research suggests that students who feel valued and respected can dedicate more cognitive resources to learning because they don’t have to monitor the environment for clues about whether they fit in or how their culture is perceived. In spaces where a student’s culture is not affirmed or supported, the background processes in the brain are constantly working to assess threats (Romero, 2018). Supportive environments allow youth to focus fully on the important tasks and challenges of learning, as opposed to unconsciously monitoring and protecting themselves from threats. Research on belonging is starting to show powerful connections with learning, allowing more students to fully access learning opportunities.

Through the Initiative evaluation and across a wide range of programs, students, staff and parents described ways that students gain a valuable sense of belonging through out-of-school time programs., such as developing supportive relationships with other students and adults, strengthening self and group identity, elevating student voice and building a sense of community within the program and school.

This includes activities that help students get to know one another, opportunities for students to exercise or share leadership, learning experiences that are personally interesting and meaningful, group projects and other team-building activities, and efforts to connect to the broader community (e.g., through service learning). Many programs also promote positive identity by hiring staff who reflect the racial/ethnic background or experiences of participating youth. Some programs work explicitly on anti-bullying, inclusion and conflict resolution, such as through restorative justice techniques. All work to build trust between students and staff—a key to promoting belonging.

Middle school is where kids start to differentiate themselves from their parents. Service learning projects give them opportunity to learn more about the world and how they fit into it. 
—Program staff

We saw and heard the impact of these efforts across a wide range of programs. Students enjoyed one another’s company, sought support from staff and directly expressed how the program has built their social community or sense of self. We dive into more detail below about meaningful experiences, supportive relationships and identity-building, which are key contributors to a sense of belonging.

Students indicated that out-of-school time programs promote a sense of belonging through meaningful experiences.

What draws and engages students in many programs are the interesting opportunities they provide, either socially or related to learning (and often both). These meaningful experiences are also a source of community or belonging. For example, during a group reflection at the end of a community/team-building activity, students were asked what they learned. Many named things like friendship in addition to the teamwork and communication skills they were practicing.

During focus groups, parents and caregivers noted that for some students, out-of-school time programs are an important way to pursue subject-specific interests (e.g., through STEAM programs) and that this is where they find their most like-minded or similarly situated peers.

My son used the phrase “I love my nerdy friends.” They get together and do robotics, Rubik's cubes, D & D and Magic. They also do art stuff, too—it's great. The friendships my son has made in [the programs] are the strongest friendships he has made.
—Parent/caregiver

Student survey results also indicate that students agreed that their programs promote a sense of belonging through meaningful experiences. High scores in the belonging and engagement scale were for items relating to enthusiasm for programming.

Programs in the Initiative encourage belonging through relationships and connection. Students:

Students develop supportive relationships with peers & adults through participating programs.

The relationships students build with peers and adults are central to their sense of belonging. For some students, participating in out-of-school time is their best opportunity to build relationships outside of home and school. Student survey results confirm that many students agreed that they fit in and are supported in their programs.

Survey items related to relationships and social support.

Developed by Camp Fire Columbia, SUN Community Schools and Thrive.

It is notable that 85% or more of students felt they fit in and/or knew at least one caring adult. Parents and caregivers also acknowledged the value of relationships built with the adults leading programming; a few distinguished this from student experiences with in-school teachers, with whom there is sometimes less opportunity to build a more personal or supportive relationship.

I feel like the teachers think [he] is dumb and just put him the corner. I feel like [the program] has given him confidence and made him think he’s not dumb.
—Parent/caregiver

Students build positive individual & communal identity through participating programs.

At [my school], others see me as smart and an athlete. I see myself as a future doctor. At [my program], I see myself as free. 
—Student narrative from photovoice project

Students are able to explore their sense of self—both as individuals and in relation to their community—through out-of-school time programs. Students from eight programs completed photovoice projects using photography and written narrative to explore, illustrate and describe how they see themselves and how others view them in school, in out-of-school time programming and in their communities. Through these photovoice projects, students expressed that they feel respected and can be more themselves at their programs than at school.

Student Photovoice Project, Adelante Mujeres Chicas

 

In school, they see me as a great student, who is quiet and participates. ... In Adelante Chicas, they see me as a proud Latina who likes herself and her culture. And is not afraid to embrace it in front of others.
—Student narrative from photovoice project

Latino/x students are more likely to agree that their out-of-school time programs contributed to their sense of belonging & engagement.

We explored student survey results in a variety of ways to better understand the connection between program participation and student responses about their identities. The most prevalent pattern was that for Latino/x students (n=631) who indicated an especially strong sense of program belonging and engagement, both compared to non-Latino/x students of color (n=258; scale average 3.39 vs. 3.16, 2-sided t-test, p<.001) and to white students (n=395; scale average 3.39 vs. 3.20, 2-sided t-test, p<.001). For 11 out of the 12 questions relating to program belonging, Latino/x youth showed significantly higher agreement than did non-Latino/x peers (2-sided chi-squared test, p<.05). This may be driven in part by the sizable percentage of Latino/x students in culturally specific programs that emphasize cultural identity and belonging (44%). 

Culturally specific programs build a sense of cultural identity & belonging in tandem.

Culturally specific programs are centered in the community’s values, traditions and ways of supporting youth. In these programs, students often work explicitly on building cultural identity and belonging, which further supports self-awareness, social awareness and relationship skills.

Our programs are grounding our kids—the programming is stabilizing. Once they are confident in knowing who they are, they can be role models in the schools for other students who are less connected to their culture and history.
—Program staff

The Confederated Tribes of Warm Springs’ programming is a strong example of how culturally specific programs promote belonging. Tribal elders and community leaders teach youth Native languages and cultural traditions, and blend math and writing with cultural knowledge-building. During root-digging season, youth learn about the seasons, climate and plants. Staff speak eloquently and enthusiastically on the importance of building student connections to Native language and culture:

Inside of our language… it holds our value system. Once you pick up the language, you become who you are. … [Young people] need to know both [academics and culture] to be comfortable in our community and outside our community.
—Program staff

Parents and caregivers from some culturally specific programs note that students build a sense of self and community identity—and therefore belonging—because of the cultural learning done in programs.

It’s important that my child is learning our culture. What I can’t teach them, they’re getting there.
—Parent/caregiver

Through photovoice, several students described an improved sense of cultural identity and pride that they attributed to program participation. Their projects illustrate how high-quality culturally specific programming can also bridge student cultural skills and knowledge with what happens in school, increasing student interest in learning.

Student Photovoice Project, Adelante Mujeres Chicas

At Chicas I see myself as someone who is proud of her culture and embraces being Latina. At Chicas others see me as someone who never misses it and is committed to the program.
—Student narrative from photovoice project

Based on student survey responses, American Indian/Alaska Native (scale score 2.96, n=50), Black/African American (3.10, n=137) and Latino/x (3.04, n=648) groups all had a significantly stronger sense of cultural identity than did their white peers (2.54, n=412; ANOVA test, all comparisons less than p=.004). Survey questions about cultural identity asked students to reflect on their connection to culture and whether they have spent time learning about their cultural history, traditions and customs. Four out of every 5 American Indian/Alaska Native, Black/African American and Latino/x students agreed that they “feel a strong attachment toward their culture,” compared to 1 out of every 2 white students. White students may be less aware of their cultural identity in areas where they are part of a majority.

While multiple racial/ethnic groups had a strong sense of cultural identity, Latino/x students in culturally specific programming also stood out (n=278). Compared to Latino/x students in non-culturally specific programming (n=345), they showed greater agreement with the statements in both the cultural identity and program belonging and engagement scales (cultural identity: 3.17 versus 2.92, 2-tailed t-test, p<.001; program belonging and engagement: 3.46 vs. 3.33, two-tailed t-test, p=.004). Some of these patterns could be related to student or program characteristics that we aren’t able to account for, including what types of students are drawn to or engaged with particular types of programming.

Social and emotional learning skills include confidence, leadership, empathy, responsibility, communication and collaboration. They have been described in many ways, including soft skills; noncognitive or metacognitive skills; the Clover Model (PEAR); 21st-century skills (P21 Network); and readiness abilities (Krauss et al., 2016). Similarly, various frameworks exist for conceptualizing, defining and measuring social and emotional learning.

The Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning (CASEL) framework describes social and emotional learning as “the process through which children and adults acquire and effectively apply the knowledge, attitudes and skills necessary to understand and manage emotions, set and achieve positive goals, feel and show empathy for others, establish and maintain positive relationships, and make responsible decisions” (CASEL, 2021b). These are important skills and abilities not only for success in school, but also for success in life outside and beyond school. In recent years, CASEL and others have increasingly acknowledged how equity plays a role in student social and emotional learning, updating definitions and adding positive youth identity and school connectedness and climate as outcomes (Skoog-Hoffman et al., 2020).

Through the Initiative evaluation, we learned about and saw many ways that out-of-school time programs promote social and emotional learning abilities. In some programs, staff teach about social and emotional learning directly, educating and coaching students on perseverance, growth mindset and emotional regulation. Some explicitly work on future orientation, leadership or communication skills, or on developing a greater sense of responsibility for self or others.

Building Healthy Families / Wallowa Resources

In many programs, support for social and emotional learning is infused into activities or curricula that are otherwise focused on project-based learning or subject-specific enrichment. For example, out-of-school time programs often encourage student collaboration through group-based work (e.g., robotics). For some programs, their attention to social and emotional learning deepened as a result of their participation in the Initiative learning community.

We had historically been an after-school homework club focused on academics and incorporating [science technology engineering or math (STEM)] activities and thinking that was the work we needed to do. But thinking about [middle school-age] students and the [social-emotional learning] needs they have has impacted our programming.
—Program leader

Students build a wide range of social & emotional skills in out-of-school time programs.

In addition to academic mindsets and a sense of belonging, we heard students, staff and parents describe how students are building social and emotional learning skills and abilities, including confidence, leadership, independence, critical thinking, empathy, social awareness, responsibility, communication and collaboration. We saw this evidence across a wide range of program types and through formal and informal efforts.

In one instance, a student was challenged by program staff to stretch their thinking about homelessness. Staff recounted a story about a youth who was questioning the purpose of a community service project to prepare meals for people experiencing homelessness. This youth expressed their view of homelessness as a choice people make; by exploring this idea with staff and peers, the youth was able to make a connection between their own experience as an immigrant in the United States and their sense of not always feeling at home in this country. As a result, the youth had a shift in their perspective and sense of responsibility and decided to lead a clothing drive to help displaced people in the community.

In another program, students were learning about growth mindset during one of the evaluation team’s observations. As we participated in a community-building activity that involved throwing a ball to one another in a circle and sharing, an evaluation team member said, “I’m sorry, I’m not very good at this,” to which one of the students replied, “That doesn’t sound like a growth mindset to me!”

In many programs, students build skill in collaboration through group projects and community-building activities.

[O]nce we’ve been implementing these things from [the Initiative], the increased engagement and increased interaction, we’re seeing outcomes we haven’t seen before: improved interpersonal skills, being able to get along with kids better.
—Program staff

In one program, we watched a teacher who was leading a building activity encourage a student with questions to “interview a few of your classmates and ask what design principles they used.” The student followed his suggestion and got help from his peers, illustrating that even individual activities can build communication and collaboration skills.

Students tend to gravitate to friend groups. We want to work on getting kids engaging with peers they don’t know as well. … It’s good to see students feel comfortable sharing with each other.
—Program staff

In another program, after leading an activity that involved students working together on a design challenge, a teacher shared that one student has struggled with behavior in the classroom but is making progress in his ability to persevere, engaging in small-group work without getting frustrated as a result of the program's more relaxed interactions and setting.

Parents and students in particular highlighted the ways that out-of-school time programs promote leadership.

I think the outcomes have been wonderful—giving kiddos enough opportunity to take leadership positions—and we’ve seen some kids who you wouldn’t think would take on leadership step up and take part.
—Program staff

I also see myself as a very amazing leader who could change the world to a better place. I see myself that way, thanks to [my program leader], who has helped me understand the importance of being an amazing leader.
—Student narrative from photovoice project

One of the strongest themes across the evaluation is that out-of-school time programs build student confidence.

Many social and emotional learning frameworks include confidence related to self-efficacy or self-awareness, including the Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning, Habits of Mind and the Clover Model. Along with social and emotional self-efficacy, confidence is a common component of social and emotional learning frameworks that help adolescents become more active agents for themselves, their desires and their communities.

RiverStars Performing Arts

Parents and caregivers often described the relationships students built with peers and adults—as well as the safe space provided for students to learn and succeed—as key to their growth in confidence. In some programs, students gain a valuable sense of accomplishment in completing homework, learning new skills or even succeeding in competitions. Parents and caregivers also cited other social and emotional skills built through out-of-school time programs, including communication, independence and leadership.

[Staff person] is so positive and empowering. She sets really clear expectations, has parameters for the students. She allows them to have some freedoms too. The program gives kids confidence and helps build communication skills, and they are also learning expectations.
—Parent/caregiver

Often, this is connected even more directly to the sense of belonging promoted by programs.

Getting to interact with a different set of friends is a huge confidence builder. They are also building knowledge which builds confidence.
—Parent/caregiver

My daughter had a very quiet voice and couldn’t read in a group, [but] now she has had really good results; she raises her voice when she talks. I think it has to do with self-esteem, sometimes one will not give them enough confidence. They have the confidence to say what they are thinking and ask for what they need.
—Parent/caregiver

Across participating out-of-school time programs of various types, we saw evidence of students building confidence through opportunities to lead, celebration of their progress, and reassurance and encouragement through relationships with peers and staff.

My child has gotten a sense of confidence. He tends to be a little shy. Being in this kind of program is showing him the confidence he may have lacked.
—Parent/caregiver

Here is how one program leader described a student’s growth as a result of tutoring and homework support:

From outside looking in, [this student] doesn’t look like he’s thriving. He struggles a lot. [We] had a new staff person [this year]. He was really drawn to her. [He] really struggles with confidence. [She] has incredible patience with him. They work on homework on a regular basis. He’s come a long way. He now completes work before he gets home so he doesn’t have to do it in the evening. Thriving is relative and compared to how things were for him, he’s come a long way.
—Program staff

In another program, staff described students in a class who normally wouldn’t want to read aloud in front of a group of peers but were beginning to do so, noting that those students had become role models and opened the door for other students who wanted to try too.

Students also expressed increased confidence through photovoice. One student sees himself as a kind, quiet, shy gamer, and “in Friday [programming], others see me climbing over obstacles.” More explicitly, another student shared that her program “has helped me make friends and they have also helped me become so much more confident.” Still another said “In [my program], I see myself as [someone] who is not quiet and not afraid." Shy students described having greater visibility and voice in their programs and increased confidence as they connect internal and external perspectives to be seen for who they are. 

The social & emotional benefits of out-of-school time programming are highly interrelated.

Social and emotional learning frameworks span cognitive, social and emotional domains to support adolescent development. For example, academic mindset is a component of some social and emotional learning frameworks, as is future orientation, which is also connected to how well students navigate school. Similarly, a sense of belonging is closely related to identity formation and confidence, both of which support success in school and beyond.

Camp Fire Columbia

Harvard University’s Explore SEL project visualizes these connections and maps more than 40 social and emotional learning frameworks in relation to social, emotional and cognitive domains and against one another. The creators acknowledge that “importantly, these skills and competencies develop and are in dynamic interaction with attitudes, beliefs, and mindsets as well as character and values, all of which are fundamentally tied to characteristics of settings."

Student stories shared by program staff illustrate how these components interact in reality and how out-of-school time programs can promote student growth in these areas:

When she began attending programming, this student was very introverted, painfully shy. It was too difficult for her to get up in front of class to give presentations, so she was allowed to complete those assignments during out-of-school time programming. Over three years staff have watched her grow and do more and more in front of the group. She has come to play a mentoring role for younger students now, and recently spoke up at a large community meeting. Afterwards she told program staff that she found courage to do so because she knew they were there to support her.
—Program staff

DOWNLOAD A BRIEF, PRINTER-FRIENDLY PDF ON SOCIAL & EMOTIONAL LEARNING IN OUT-OF-SCHOOL TIME.